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“ Again, before the 2015 elections, travelling from Kaduna to Lagos for Buhari and some of his lieutenants was like travelling from Lagos to Ibadan, just as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, then as national leader of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and his team were flying in and out of Kaduna regularly. They met frequently. But after the 2015 elections, the gulf between the two leaders widened. They both pretended about it.”

But it was not long before it became public knowledge that all was not well between them. However, in the build up to the 2019 elections, they came together again. At the Tinubu’s 10th colloquium, held in Lagos, late President Muhammadu Buhari was physically present.”

From Ismail Omipidan and Chinelo Obogo

He first became the Head of State, through a military coup that sent packing a democratically elected government in 1983. By 1985, he was also shoved aside by another military coup that brought in General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB). He lived a quiet life, until in the build up to the 2003 elections when some northerners ganged up against the then incumbent, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and decided only General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) could dislodge him.

They lured him into joining the defunct All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), which was seen more like the party of the north at the time and pressurised all those angling to run for the presidency at the time to step down for him. Only Rochas Okorocha failed to step down. But in the end, Buhari carried the day. In spite of him being the presidential candidate of the ANPP, some governors elected on the platform of the party, denied him the opportunity to campaign in their states. One of them was the late Prince Abubakar Audu of Kogi State. Buhari never forgave him. When the late Prince Abubakar was equally to run for the governorship in 2015 after Buhari had emerged President, the then president too failed to go to Kogi to campaign for the late Kogi prince.

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In 2003, which was the first time he was coming into the presidential race, Buhari polled 12, 710, 022 votes against Olusegun Obasanjo of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who polled 24, 456, 140 votes.

But in 2007, which was former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s first time on the ballot, Buhari was PDP’s major challenger in that contest. Atiku was however not the PDP’s candidate in that contest. The late Umaru Yar’Adua, a fellow Muslim and northerner, from Katsina State like Buhari, was the PDP’s candidate. In the end, Buhari only managed to poll 6, 605, 299 votes, against Yar’Adua who polled 24, 838, 063 votes. Yar’Adua, who was rounding off his tenure as the Katsina governor at the time, also floored Buhari in the state.

However, when Buhari again squared up against Jonathan, a southerner and a Christian in 2011, he recorded 12, 214, 843 votes. But Jonathan carried the day with 22, 495, 187 votes. While Jonathan ran on the platform of the PDP, Buhari was the candidate of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).

He however won in 2015, when he ran against Jonathan again. This time, he not only defeated Jonathan in the north, he went ahead to win the contest for the first time, polling 15, 424, 921 votes, against Jonathan’s 12, 853,162 votes. He may have won because of the crisis that hit the PDP, ahead of the 2015 contest.

In the build up to the 2015 elections, one of Buhari’s major backers was former president, Olusegun Obasanjo. He single-handedly de-marketed former the president, Goodluck Jonathan in the international community. He contributed to undermining the fortunes of the PDP. But in the build up to the 2019 election, like Obasanjo did to Jonathan before the 2015 contest, he also asked Buhari not to run, just as he said he had forgiven the PDP for the mistakes of 2015. Buhari refused to heed his advice, and went ahead to win the contest against Atiku, polling 15, 191, 847 votes against Atiku’s 11, 262, 978.

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Again, before the 2015 elections, travelling from Kaduna to Lagos for Buhari and some of his lieutenants was like travelling from Lagos to Ibadan, just as President Bola  Tinubu, then as national leader of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and his team were flying in and out of Kaduna regularly. They met frequently. But after the 2015 elections, the gulf between the two leaders widened. They both pretended about it. But it was not long before it became public knowledge that all was not well between them. However, in the build up to the 2019 elections, they came together again. At the Tinubu’s 10th colloquium, held in Lagos, late President Muhammadu Buhari was physically present.

The event, which held barely 48 hours after Buhari, against all known permutations, kicked against tenure elongation for the then National Chairman of All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief John Odigie-Oyegun and members of his team, a position earlier taken by Tinubu, Buhari’s physical presence at the colloquium and the things he said on the occasion, was for many, an icing on the cake in the new found political romance between Buhari and Tinubu at the time, ahead of 2019 presidential election. Expectedly, Oyegun and majority of the members of the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) at the time shunned the event, which held at the Eko Convention Centre, Victoria Island, Lagos.

Unlike the 2015, 2016 and 2017 editions of the colloquium, which paraded virtually all the NWC members of the party, the 2018 edition was attended by only the deputy chairmen South and North respectively, and the vice chairman (North-West) were present. Oyegun was not present. He did not send a representative.

But after the 2019 elections, President Tinubu took his colloquium to Abuja, apparently to make it easier for the late Buhari to attend. Sadly, the late Buhari did not show up. And rather than send a real representative, then Vice President Yemi Osinbajo who was more like the organiser of the colloquium, was announced as representing the president.

Born on December 17, 1942, in Daura, Katsina State, Muhammadu Buhari served as both a military head of state and a democratically elected president.

Early life and military career

Buhari grew up in a modest family in northern Nigeria. He joined the Nigerian Army in 1962, rising through the ranks during a turbulent period in the nation’s history. Trained at prestigious institutions like the Nigerian Military Training College and the U.S. Army War College, Buhari became a key figure in Nigeria’s military establishment. He played a role in the 1966 counter-coup and served as a commander during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). His military career culminated in his appointment as military governor of the North-Eastern State and later Borno State in the 1970s.

In 1983, he led a military coup that ousted President Shehu Shagari, becoming Nigeria’s head of state. His 20-month regime was known for its “War Against Indiscipline,” a campaign to curb corruption and instil civic responsibility. However, his authoritarian approach, including the detention of political opponents and restrictions on press freedom, drew criticism. His regime was overthrown in a 1985 coup led by Ibrahim Babangida.

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Political comeback and presidency

After years in relative obscurity, Buhari re-entered politics in the early 2000s, running for president in 2003, 2007, and 2011 under various political platforms. His persistence paid off in 2015 when he won the presidency as the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), defeating incumbent Goodluck Jonathan in a historic election. Buhari’s campaign centred on tackling corruption, improving security, and reviving the economy.

His presidency (2015–2023) was a mixed bag. Buhari’s administration made strides in infrastructure development, including roads and rail projects, and launched social welfare programmes. His anti-corruption drive led to high-profile investigations, though critics argued it was selective. Security challenges, particularly the Boko Haram insurgency, persisted despite some progress, and economic struggles, including a recession, marred his tenure. Buhari’s frequent medical trips to the UK, notably a 104-day leave in 2017, sparked debates about his health and leadership capacity.

Buhari was a polarising figure. Supporters praised his integrity, discipline, and commitment to Nigeria’s unity, noting his ability to secure 12 million votes twice in elections. Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha, highlighted Buhari’s focus on institutional governance over flamboyance. Critics, however, pointed to economic hardships, human rights concerns, and unfulfilled promises, with some alleging he favoured north more against the north. His tenure as a democratically elected President witnessed some controversial policies and actions.

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Zaria massacre

In 2015, the Nigerian Army under Buhari’s command had a confrontation with the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) which resulted in hundreds of deaths. The government claimed the group blocked military convoys, but human rights organisations condemned the disproportionate response and lack of accountability for the mass casualties.

El-Zakzaky’s detention

Following the Zaria Massacre, the leader of the IMN, Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, and his wife were detained by the Buhari government for several years without trial, despite multiple court orders for their release. This drew criticism from human rights organisations and raised serious questions about rule of law and judicial independence under Buhari’s administration.

Dasuki detained despite court orders

A former National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki , was also held in detention for a long period by the Buhari administration. His detention persisted despite rulings from both Nigerian courts and the ECOWAS Court of Justice ordering his release. This raised serious concerns about his government’s respect for judicial pronouncements. His detention became a symbol of the administration’s selective approach to court orders.

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Border Closure Policy (2019–2020)

In an effort to curb smuggling and boost local production, the Buhari administration unilaterally shut down Nigeria’s land borders, particularly with Benin Republic. This policy, which lasted for over a year, was implemented without any contingency measures and was heavily criticised for violating ECOWAS trade protocols. This policy led to inflation of food prices and disrupted cross-border trade.

Lekki toll gate shootings

During the nationwide #EndSARS protests against police brutality in October 2020, Nigerian security forces reportedly opened fire on peaceful protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos. This incident garnered international attention as it resulted in casualties and injuries and remains a highly contentious issue. It highlighted the government’s heavy-handed response to civil demonstrations.

Media repression

The Buhari era saw a crackdown on media freedom. This included the jailing of journalists, raids on media houses, and the revocation of operating licenses for some broadcast stations. These actions were widely seen as attempts to stifle dissent and control narrative.

Twitter ban

In June 2021, the Nigerian government imposed a seven-month ban on Twitter operations in the country. This decision came shortly after Twitter deleted a tweet by President Buhari, which the government saw as offensive. The ban sparked widespread condemnation as an infringement on freedom of expression and had economic implications for businesses relying on the platform.

Suspension and removal of CJN Walter Onnoghen before election

Just weeks before the 2019 general elections, Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Walter Onnoghen was controversially suspended and later removed from office by President Buhari. This move, based on allegations of non-declaration of assets, was widely criticised as an executive interference in the judiciary and was perceived by many as politically motivated, especially given its timing.

Currency redesign and excessive printing of the naira

Towards the end of the administration, a policy to redesign the naira currency was implemented, leading to a severe nationwide cash scarcity. This, coupled with alleged excessive printing of new notes, disrupted businesses, caused widespread hardship and further fuelled inflation.

Ruga policy

The Ruga policy, proposed by the Buhari administration, aimed to create designated settlements for herders across the country was met with widespread opposition, particularly from southern and middle-belt states, who viewed it as an attempt to forcefully acquire land for Fulani herdsmen through executive powers, infringing on states’ land rights and the action raised ethnic tensions.

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