Currently, Nigeria has only 20 female lawmakers in both chambers of the National Assembly – with 16 in the House of Representatives and four in the Senate – out of a total of 469 legislatures.
Stakeholders have pointed out the urgency of the greater representation of women within the political decision-making space, particularly in the Nigerian legislature, both at the national and lower levels, hence the advocacy in this regard has been ramped up more recently. The popular expectation is that this would soon become a reality, with the advanced stage of work on the Reserved Seats for Women Bill in the National Assembly.
When this comes into existence, it will – no doubt – inaugurate a paradigm shift in representative democracy in our country that fosters an inclusive agenda, which bridges the gender gap in Nigerian politics. This would be an unprecedented and progressive affirmative action initiative.
The Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, and 12 other lawmakers, are sponsors of the “Reserved Seats Bill.” It seeks to create an additional 182 seats for women in the Senate, House of Representatives, and the Houses of Assembly in the 36 states of the federation, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.
Specifically, the proposal is for 37 new seats to be established essentially for women in each of the chambers of the National Assembly, and three new seats in each of the state legislatures. Political parties are to align with this imperative in their nomination of flag bearers across electoral constituencies in the country.
This comes against the backdrop of the diminishing representation of women in our parliaments, as evident in the present lack of women in 14 state houses of assembly. Since the Sixth National Assembly, running from 2007 to 2011, which had 27 female lawmakers, there has, regrettably, been a regression or slide that has become the norm.
Currently, Nigeria has only 20 female lawmakers in both chambers of the National Assembly – with 16 in the House of Representatives and four in the Senate – out of a total of 469 legislatures. This is highly unfortunate and unacceptable, in a country having women as nearly 50 per cent of the population!
Public hearings have been held across the country towards this desired change, which would require an alteration of relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution, as amended, after which approval would be required in, at least, 24 state houses of assembly, or two-thirds of the total number of legislatures, as a statutory imperative. This would, by no means, be a walk in the park, according to the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), a leading driver of the campaign.
This is due to the socio-cultural and religious inhibitions that are still strongly against women in many parts of the country. Therefore, women and rights groups, non-governmental organisations and the media, should not drop the ball until this glass-ceiling is broken once and for all. The United Nations and European Union are among the caravan of supporters of this process.
Reserved seats for women are, as the Federation of International Women Lawyers (FIDA) observed, not a favour or gift to women, but “a correctional tool, a long-overdue restructuring, and an investment in national stability and inclusive governance.” It is unthinkable that this unique demographic in our country – comprising mothers, caregivers and perhaps, the largest vote bank – has been marginalised for too long, even when the indices are stark, in terms of the capacity and intellectual prowess of women to perform at the highest levels of human endeavour.
There is no need to look any further for proof of this, than in Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who is the Director-General of the World Trade Organisation. She is in her second tenure on the job. And, this was after she had served in the World Bank as its Managing Director. At the United Nations, Amina Muhammed is a Deputy Secretary-General. There is also Tobi Amusan, a world record holder in the 100 metres hurdles. These are global accolades or diadems that women have bestowed on Nigeria.
Indeed, men cannot be in a better position to champion concerns affecting women, than themselves. Concerns around reproductive rights, violence against women, sexual harassment, maternal and infant mortality crises, child rights, equal economic opportunity and legal rights are existential challenges facing Nigerian women. More of their voices in parliaments across various levels, will undoubtedly exert more rigour in the policy space on these issues, and re-write wrongs of the past where they exist.
This balancing act is envisaged to last for four electoral cycles or 16 years, during which the clause shall be inviolable. This is considered a fair time-frame in which difference ought to have been made. The danger is that anything more could enthrone a sense of entitlement, which could promote indolence towards attaining the goals of the affirmation of women’s presence in the agora. This should be enough period for them to build capacity, enrich their political repertoires or skills-set, necessary for contesting alongside men in a healthy electoral democracy, unless strong cases persist for extending the utilisation of this mechanism.
Indeed, the legislature is a crucial platform for socially-conscious women to rise to national prominence as critical change agents. The roll call of those who have tread this progressive path is quite long. Golda Meir was elected as a member of the Israeli parliament – the Knesset – in 1949, from where she became a minister of Labour and then Foreign Affairs, before rising to the position of Prime Minister in 1956.
In the United Kingdom, Margaret Thatcher defeated Edward Health in 1975 to emerge as the Leader of the Conservative Party, enroute to becoming the UK’s longest serving prime minister between 1979 and 1990. From the German Bundestag or parliament, Angela Merkel occupied several ministerial positions before attaining the post of Chancellor from 2005 to 2021. These are no craven amazons in politics.
In Nigeria, Abike Dabiri-Erewa was a female lawmaker who leveraged the parliament towards further public service, through the dexterity she brought to bear on her remit in the House of Representatives Committee on Media and Public Affairs, which she chaired from 2003 and 2007. She subsequently pioneered the Nigerians in the Diaspora Committee to national relevance.
Following the creation of the Nigeria Diaspora Commission, President Muhammadu Buhari appointed her its chairperson in 2016. The agency has successfully intervened in responding to the plights of Nigerians abroad, in times of crisis. The Dabiri-Erewa example is a model for the efficacy of women in public roles.
From Africa, Europe and around the world, available statistics indicate that Nigeria are coming late to this party. Rwanda has 51 women in its parliament of 80 lawmakers. In South Africa, there are 173 women out of 387 legislators. Senegal has 63 of them, in an aggregate of 165 lawmakers. Burundi, Ethiopia and Chad have made significant strides in this regard.
In Italy and Belgium, there is a gender parity of 50 per cent representation across the sexes in their parliaments. France has a parity law that ensures equal access to both sexes in elective positions, as enshrined in its 2000 Constitution.
This global panorama of progress offers the background for why Nigeria should no longer dither in promoting principles for greater female participation in political decision-making. Granting women more seats in parliament aligns with Sustainable Development Goal number five on gender equality. Nigeria is one of the 193 countries that adopted the 2030 development agenda, for which it has repeatedly expressed its commitment to achieving. Its avowal of this is now under a critical test.
Ours is a society in crucial need of gender equity, fairness and equal opportunity, in order to thrive according to its potentials. It is difficult to believe that for a nation that had its first elections in 1923, women were only enfranchised in the North in 1979, while their Southern counterparts had attained this in 1943. That a woman cannot stand as a surety in Nigeria, and neither run for election in her matrimonial place, are follies of this democracy worth being excised from our system as quickly as possible.
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